For example, Frakes and Harding attempt to examine whether the explicit delineation of the killing of a child as an aggravating circumstance for the use of the death penalty deters child murder. In this report we are mainly concerned with the response of would-be offenders to the sanction costs that may result from the commission of murder.
Another issue related to time frame, to which we return in the conclusions of this report, is the processes by which perceptions of sanction risk are formed and are influenced by changes in sanction policy. Many of these challenges stem from the necessity of using nonexperimental data to estimate this effect.
A useful way of conceptualizing these challenges is to note the important differences between data generated from experiments and data generated under nonexperimental conditions. Other studies have examined whether homicide rates are associated with moratoriums on executions ordered by governors or courts.
Public Let me make this point, though it is bound to be controversial. With nonexperimental data, intensity must be inferred ex post by the rate of application.
Donohue and Wolfers compared trends in homicide rates between states with and without capital punishment from toa period that spans the Furman decision that stopped use of the death penalty and Gregg decision that reinstated it.
Moreover, a fear of execution may well have been resident in their minds, only to be overpowered by other urges, stronger at the moment of their violence, i.
There is a large literature on sanction risk perceptions that demonstrates that the general public is very poorly informed about actual sanction levels and the frequency of their imposition Apel, in press.
The potential costs of crime are comparably varied.